Sirleaf, Africa's first elected female head of state, is the darling of the international development community. Many see her as a rare ray of hope in a country, and region, where violence and corruption have for too long perpetuated a cycle of poverty. Support for her efforts in the country runs high, but it is not universal, nor is it unconditional.

In her official statement to the TRC, Sirleaf admitted giving Charles Taylor $10,000 during the early stages of his rebellion in late 1989 and early 1990. Popular belief, though, even among Sirleaf's casual supporters, puts the number much higher. Most also believe that in addition to the financial contributions, Sirleaf also offered Taylor political, moral and material support. Paradoxically perhaps, Sirleaf's name also appears in connection with the Liberians United for Reconciliation and Democracy (LURD) movement, which ultimately ousted Taylor from office in 2003, effectively ending Liberia's civil war.

How this will ultimately affect Sirleaf's political future remains to be seen. "Ma Ellen," as she is known, is undoubtedly the most competent presidential candidate. But she will need to play her cards perfectly if she does indeed wish to seek re-election in 2011.

As much interest as Sirleaf's presence on the list attracted, national attention has now largely swung to who is not on the list. Some omissions are glaring, and have not gone unnoticed. TRC Chairman Jerome Verdier said in a phone interview with World Politics Review that names can and will be added over the next two months. But who they will be, and why they did not appear in the first place, remains a popular subject of conversation around Monrovia.

The question was raised most dramatically when eight former heads of four of the civil war's major factions -- the NPFL, INPFL, LURD and MODEL -- many of whom once fought against each other, held a joint press conference criticizing the legitimacy of the TRC report.

All eight were recommended by the TRC to face prosecution for heinous crimes, and their pointed criticisms, leveled jointly, sent a ripple of shock and fear through society. So much so that American Ambassador Linda Thomas-Greenfield was said to have met with a few of them privately to ensure that their statements did not represent veiled threats to Liberia's current, fragile peace.

For their part, each pledged that peace was the only future they desired. The prospect of prosecution lies years in the future, and requires approval by both the House and the Senate, the creation of a court, and many millions of international dollars to fund it. Nonetheless, none of the eight factional leaders seemed very keen about the threat of punishment under what they consider to be unjust terms.

"We signed an agreement [at the end of the war in 2003] saying that we know there is nobody in this country that is clean. And we said in order to create peace and reconciliation in this country, let us come together," said Thomas Nimely, the former head of MODEL (Movement for Democracy in Liberia) and the group's apparent front man. The eight men felt that they had not agreed to the potential for prosecution in coming forward and discussing what had happened.

Lewis Brown, former foreign minister under Charles Taylor, pointed to some of the hypocrisies. "We have a country where the conflict slipped into every home and touched every life. If you did not fight, you knew somebody who died. If you were not a fighter, you knew somebody who was fighting -- your brother or sister."

So why are certain people facing prosecution while others have been overlooked for no apparent reason? Though Nimely, Brown and others expressed this idea most publicly, similar questions are on the minds of many Liberians, and make for a popular topic in local media.

Amos Sawyer tops most people's list of those missing from the TRC's findings. A professor by profession, as well as being an intellectual mentor to influential people (including Sirleaf and TRC Chairman Verdier), Sawyer led an interim government for four years during the early years of the conflict. Many Liberians still remember Sawyer's watch for the militia he founded and directed, called Black Beret, which was famous for brutality.

John Richardson, who Liberians see as a primary force behind a brutal massacre associated with "Operation Octopus" in 1992, and John Stewart, a TRC commissioner accused of supporting violence under Taylor, are also among those whose absence from the "recommended for prosecution" list has drawn criticism.

Accusations abound that these omissions, as much as the presence of those on the list, are politically motivated, and not based on the substantive findings of the TRC.

Admittedly, attempting to determine who to prosecute in a country where almost everyone played some role is an implicitly difficult task. But ironing out the commission's recommendations will be essential if the TRC wishes to accomplish its goal of providing reconciliation through the application of justice.

For now, though, the findings have raised as many questions as they have answered.

**Myles Estey is a media trainer and journalist living in Monrovia, Liberia. His blog, The Esteyonage, tries to capture some of the beautiful insanity of the country. Myles wishes he was surfing.