Always, he had acted "for the good of the country." Through varying degrees of repression, he would quickly push aside the opposition, install his cronies in positions of influence and personal enrichment, shut down opposition media, and take control of all the country's levers of power. Today that style of revolution sounds so musty and antiquated, so 20th century!

It's not surprising that a Latin American military man invented the new, much more elegant version of the authoritarian takeover. Venezuela's President Hugo Chávez has acted gradually to achieve many of the same goals of his golpista forefathers. His latest move, if successful, will now deal a deathblow to all accepted standards of freedom of speech in that country.

On July 30, Venezuelan Attorney General Luisa Ortega Diaz presented the legislature in Caracas with an astonishing document that should -- and did -- send chills down the spine of anyone who values freedom of expression. The bill, aimed at punishing what the government calls "crimes of opinion," was denounced by human rights and civil liberties organizations across the hemisphere. The non-partisan Freedom House described it as "an affront to the universal right to freedom of expression" and a direct violation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, as well as Venezuela's own constitution. Human Rights Watch called it "the most comprehensive assault on free speech in Venezuela since Chávez came to power." The Committee to Protect Journalists said the bill "is reminiscent of the dark days of Latin American dictatorships," and called it "part of a pattern of repression by President Chávez to silence independent and critical voices."

The Media Crimes bill now before the Chávez-controlled legislature provides for punishment of up to four years in prison for the crime of using the media to "harm the interests of the state" or "provide false information." As written, the law could be applied to both professional journalists and regular citizens alike. If a guest appearing on a television show or a person interviewed for a newspaper article uttered words the government deemed false or harmful, that person could end up in prison.

Clearly, a law like this does not require much enforcement to strangle freedom of expression, and not only in the press. This media law would go a long way towards stifling the use of speech among journalists -- and even regular citizens -- through self-censorship.

Step by step, the Chávez government has already dismantled almost all of the opposition media. If approved, as is likely, the new law would drive the last nail in the coffin of press freedom in Venezuela.

In recent days, the Venezuelan government has stepped up its campaign of shutdowns, revoking the broadcast licenses of at least 34 radio stations. And that is without the benefit of the proposed media crimes law. According to Freedom House executive director Jennifer Windsor, the proposed law takes the assault against free speech to a new level: "This represents a new low for Venezuela, which is already one of Latin America's most restrictive environments for the press, second only to Cuba."

The one remaining opposition outlet in the country is Globovisión, which has come under direct attack from the president and has endured a campaign of harassment and violence by government acolytes.

Two years ago, Chávez shut down RCTV, the country's oldest and most popular private television network. The move infuriated Venezuelans, including many with little interest in politics who just wanted the government to stand out of the way and let them watch their favorite TV shows. Following riots in the streets to protest the closure, the president himself took to the airwaves, both to explain his decision -- he accused RCTV of supporting a failed coup against him -- and to send a message to Globovisión.

Chávez spewed an ominous warning, directly addressing the targets of his threat. "Enemies of the homeland, particularly those behind the scenes, I will give you a name: Globovisión. Greetings, gentlemen of Globovisión, you should watch where you are going," Chávez taunted, adding, "I recommend you take a tranquilizer and get into gear, because if not, I am going to do what is necessary."

"What is necessary" is now getting done, with Globovisión squarely in the government's cross hairs. Last month, the government fined the broadcaster $2 million for back taxes as well as a bizarre list of other violations. These included keeping stuffed animals, which, officials argued, broke environmental rules. At the moment, there are at least five separate administrative procedures against the station. In one of them, authorities argue that an ad campaign aired by Globovisión promoting private property could generate "anguish, anxiety and fear," and hence stir unrest.

The government openly stated that the media law is aimed at Globovisión, which the regime has previously accused of trying to promote the president's assassination. The company rejects the accusations, and vows not to give in to government pressure, saying it would rather shut down than shut up.

Chávez's anti-Globo vitriol has triggered violence from his supporters. On Monday, a mob of several dozen armed men on motorcycles wearing Chávez-inspired red berets swarmed the station. They fired tear gas canisters and waved their guns, threatening staff. The government officially repudiated the attack, but observers, including those inside the Globovisión building, blamed the assault on the government. After all, the perpetrators are well-known in Venezuela. They belong to a militant, arguably paramilitary group, Venezuela's Patriotic Union (UPV), which lends its unsubtle support to the president.

Chávez appears to be stepping up his efforts to consolidate his rule in Venezuela. Just last week, he threatened to bypass the legislature and start ruling by decree if the National Assembly does not move fast enough to rubberstamp his proposals. Perhaps the accelerated efforts are a response to a drop in popularity. With the country's vital oil production declining steadily and inflation eroding living standards, the president's standing has declined even among many former supporters.

A recent poll asked Venezuelans when the Chávez presidency should end. Two-thirds said it should end no later than the current term, in 2012, if not sooner.

Still, a drop in popularity or in oil prices is unlikely to dislodge the well-entrenched Venezuelan president. According to Foreign Policy editor and renowned Venezuelan journalist Moises Naim, Chávez is likely to stay in power for a long time, thanks to "the combination of highly concentrated political power and economic power derived from oil -- regardless of the price." That, according to Naim, along with "a combination of co-option, coercion and repression, can generate a very long life for this regime."

Chávez did not need any tanks in the streets to take over Venezuela. But he has done it just as effectively as any old-fashioned golpista. The only question now is how and when this regime will conclude its run.

**Frida Ghitis is an independent commentator on world affairs and a World Politics Review contributing editor. Her weekly column, World Citizen, appears every Thursday.