His behavior was unfortunately a cringeworthy reminder of Haiti’s century-long woes with inconsistent, volatile, and inexperienced governments. A nonpolitician, Martelly has seemed to be a refreshing change from the corrupt and power-hungry leaders of the 19th and 20th centuries. He was a wildly popular singer in his youth, owned a nightclub, and acquired wealth. He was always known, however, to be chummy with some of the country’s controversial ruling elite—a fact that made some U.S. officials edgy.
He nonetheless prevailed in a competitive election, signaling that the people wanted something different. And in many ways he has delivered. What he lacks in political savvy and policy smarts, he is said to make up for with force of personality and exuberance. “Haiti has always needed someone to make a decision,” said Clinton. “This man will make a decision.”
Martelly has moved to make education a top priority, and has been in overdrive trying to lure investors and businesses—cutting red tape and assuring potential investors that Haiti is a safe place, which is disputable. Given what advocates have had to deal with in the past, the man seems like a demigod. “For the first time, Haiti has a president that will go out and sell Haiti,” gushed the Irish telecom mogul Denis O’Brien, who has moved all the call centers of his company Digicel to Haiti.
In a major coup for Martelly and Haiti, a large South Korean apparel company has announced plans to build a garment factory near the coastal village of Caracole that will create 20,000 jobs. The U.S. is giving the project a boost with $124 million for constructing roads, housing, and an electrical grid. The Inter-American Development Bank is also providing about $100 million for buildings and roads. The bank’s president, Luis Moreno, seemed satisfied that Martelly was on the right track, saying he had “great vision for what needs to happen.”
“He’s a great pitchman learning at the knee of the master,” added Moreno, nodding over to Clinton.
But while boosters may be encouraged by Martelly’s instincts, few are blinded by his weaknesses. He was not able to form a government because of his clumsy political skills. His first two choices for prime minister were summarily rebuffed by Parliament; one was deemed unqualified, and the other was opposed by human-rights activists. His third choice, Garry Conille—a former aide to Clinton—appears to be on track. This drama has significantly delayed reconstruction efforts.
