Previously unreported interviews filed in court claim CIA is hiding information relating to a failed 'recruitment' effort.
LIKE
MANY GREAT SPY STORIES, this one begins with a brief, mundane scene whose
significance only becomes apparent later on. Around lunchtime on February 1,
2000, a man dropped a piece of paper near a table in a Middle Eastern
restaurant outside Los Angeles and paused long enough to strike up a
conversation with two Arabic-speaking men dining nearby. It would take FBI
agents nearly 20 years to understand the full meaning of that small event.
The man
who dropped the piece of paper was Omar al-Bayoumi, a Saudi intelligence asset,
recently declassified FBI documents show. And the two Arabic-speaking men with
whom he struck up a conversation with were Nawaf al-Hazmi and Khalid
al-Mihdhar, the first two future 9/11 hijackers to arrive in the United States.
Was this meeting, as the alleged agent later claimed to investigators, mere
happenstance? Or was it an intelligence operation being conducted on U.S. soil?
It was an intelligence operation, according to a previously-unreported court
filing SpyTalk has obtained that corroborates and expands our understanding of
this extraordinary meeting, which took place just as the 9/11 plot was taking
shape.
The
court filing details a five-year inquiry by an investigator for the Guantanamo
Military Commission into whether the meeting at the Mediterranean Gourmet
restaurant was an operation that involved not only Saudi agents but CIA
officers as well.
The
theory that the CIA had launched a failed effort to recruit the hijackers
through the Saudis has been around for years, and was always circumstantial at
best, but the document obtained by SpyTalk reveals there is more evidence to
support it. One former FBI agent claimed to the investigator that the CIA
possesses top secret “operational” files and a “paper trail” about the Saudi
spy who met the hijackers that are still being suppressed.
A CIA
spokesperson denied that the agency was hiding information. The FBI declined to
comment.
...The
revelations were found in a 21-page court document filed in 2021 at the
Guantanamo Bay naval base in Cuba where the cases of the 9/11 defendants are
being heard. The document was on the public docket, but went unreported because
it was completely redacted except for an unclassified marking. Spytalk obtained
an unredacted copy.
The
legal filing consists of summaries of interviews with anonymous FBI agents,
9/11 Commission staff and others who investigated the attacks on New York and
Washington. It was compiled by Don Canestraro, an investigator for the Office
of Military Commissions, as the court hearing the cases of the 9/11 defendants
is formally known. Canestraro previously served for more than two decades as an
agent with the Drug Enforcement Administration.
Canestraro’s
filing is chock-full of new details about the multiple investigations into
9/11. And it follows the release last year of declassified FBI documents that
offered an unprecedented portrait of Saudi intelligence operations inside America.
Read together, this new information raises issues that go to the heart of
America’s fraught relationship with the oil-rich Kingdom—and the 9/11 attacks.
Four
unnamed former FBI agents involved in the 9/11 investigation told Canestraro
they believed the CIA was covering up an operation on U.S. soil to penetrate Al
Qaeda. The most explosive allegations come from a former FBI agent who spoke to
Canestraro in June 2021. The former agent, identified only as CS-23, was
described as having “extensive knowledge of counterterrorism and
counterintelligence matters.”
CS-23
pointedly described the meeting between the Saudi agent and the hijackers at
the Middle Eastern Gourmet restaurant as part of “an operation directed by the
Central Intelligence Agency,” and indicated that the CIA has “operational”
files on Bayoumi that predated 9/11.
Before
9/11, according to CS-23, the CIA was determined to get a human source inside
Osama bin Laden’s terror network, and the arrival of two members of Al Qaeda in
Southern California in January 2000 offered an unprecedented opportunity. The
CIA is legally barred from collecting information on U.S. citizens “but its foreign intelligence collection
mission can be conducted anywhere," according to the agency website.
Collaborators
After
9/11, CS-23 told Canestraro, “FBI officials in San Diego and at FBI
headquarters became aware of both Bayoumi’s affiliation with Saudi intelligence
and subsequently the existence of the CIA’s operation to recruit Hazmi and
Mihdhar through Bayoumi.” Senior FBI officials “suppressed investigations” into
the matter, C-23 said.
CS-23’s
account could not be independently verified. Canestraro said all the former CIA
officers and FBI agents he spoke with were granted anonymity and Canestraro
said he could not put SpyTalk in touch with CS-23 without violating
attorney-client privilege.
Canestraro
said his investigation would not have been possible without initial assurances
of confidentiality. The FBI has tried to silence at least one former agent who
spoke publicly about Saudi Arabia and the 9/11 investigation. In a 2019 letter,
a copy of which was obtained by SpyTalk, the bureau reminded the agent of the
duty of confidentiality that he agreed to when he joined the bureau and
instructed him to clear all future disclosures with headquarters.
The
starting point for this investigation, Canestraro wrote, was Omar al-Bayoumi,
the Saudi man who met the two hijackers in the Middle Eastern Gourmet
restaurant on Venice Boulevard in Culver City. Bayoumi played a critical role
in helping the two newly-arrived hijackers settle in the United States. He
encouraged the two men to come to San Diego and once there, he helped them open
bank accounts, found them an apartment, paid their security deposit, co-signed
their lease, and threw a welcoming party for them. He also introduced the
hijackers to Anwar al-Aulaqi, then an imam at a mosque in El Cajon, California
who “reportedly served as their spiritual advisor during their time in San
Diego,” according to the joint congressional committee’s report on 9/11. Aulaqi
was killed in a drone strike in Yemen in 2011.
Lawyers
for the 9/11 defendants in Guantanamo have asked a judge to order the CIA, the
FBI, Congress, and the 9/11 Commission to turn over all documents relating to
Bayoumi. “People in a position to know have suggested that the CIA concealed
information about Hazmi and Mihdhar’s travel because the CIA wanted to recruit
them through Saudi intelligence, which would go a long way to support the
defense theory that the United States and Al Qaeda are not at war,” defense
lawyers wrote in a motion to compel discovery. Canestraro’s affidavit was
attached to the motion. A judge in the slow-moving military commissions has
still not yet ruled on the motion.
Bayoumi
was a subject of FBI investigations that stretched over more than 20 years, and
he was long suspected to have been a Saudi intelligence agent. But he was
certainly no James Bond. He was frequently spotted videotaping events at the
local mosque. Even one of the hijackers thought Bayoumi was a spy, according to
the 9/11 Commission. He lived with his family in San Diego on a student visa,
despite not attending classes, and he received a salary from the Kingdom of
Saudi Arabia for a job he never performed. But Bayoumi told FBI agents in
Riyadh in 2003 that the claim that he was a spy was “absolutely not true.” Bayoumi told the 9/11 Commission that Hazmi’s
description of him as a spy “hurt him very much.”
Robert
McFadden, a former senior counterterrorism agent with the Naval Criminal
Investigative Service, tells SpyTalk he understood Bayoumi’s complaint. Bayoumi
“was likely a useful, marginally employed, Saudi government fixer and
facilitator for Riyadh, who 'took care' of idiot expats like the Hazmi brothers
and Khalid al-Mihdhar, who had never traveled to the U.S. before or had much
English,” McFadden said. “Most importantly, a Bayoumi would keep an eye on any
known or suspected Saudi opposition activity.”
Bayoumi
appeared on the FBI’s radar before 9/11, when he attracted suspicion from his
San Diego apartment manager. According to CS-23, FBI special agents in San
Diego queried the CIA as part of that inquiry. The agency reported that it had
no information on Bayoumi. That was a “falsehood,” C-23 told Canestraro in June
2001.
“C-23
stated the CIA maintained ‘operational’ files on Omar al-Bayoumi,” Canestraro
wrote. “CS-23 explained to me that ‘operational’ files are those files related
to an intelligence operation conducted by a given agency. CS-23 further
explained that he/she was aware of a ‘paper trail’ concerning al-Bayoumi.”
Canestraro
says CS-23’s account suggests the CIA hid critical evidence from the FBI about
an agent of Saudi intelligence. “The CIA did not share all it knew about
Bayoumi with the FBI both prior to and after the 9/11 attacks,” he told
SpyTalk. “Certainly, this impacted the FBI's investigations into Bayoumi.”
A CIA
spokesperson strongly disputed that claim, but stopped short of claiming that
such files do not exist.
“The
allegation that CIA is ‘hiding’ information related to the attacks of
September11th, 2001, is false,” the CIA spokesperson tells SpyTalk. “CIA has
fully complied with Executive Order 14040 of September 2021, which mandated the
review and, wherever possible, public release of government information
‘collected and generated in the United States Government’s investigation’ of
the attacks. In keeping with the executive order, CIA declassified the maximum
amount of information possible in hundreds of documents, which are now publicly
available online.”
A
veteran CIA case officer involved in the 9/11 investigation tells SpyTalk that
there may very well be some information on Bayoumi in a file somewhere in the
agency. The CIA has contacts with many people, all over the world, and case
officers are required to document them, this person said. But the possibility
that a CIA officer met Bayoumi once
years ago doesn’t mean anything on its own, he said, and FBI agents making a
big deal out of that are just trying to shift blame away from the bureau’s
failure to heed the pre-9/11 warnings of its own agents. An FBI agent in
Phoenix, for example, requested an investigation of terrorists training at U.S.
flight schools. Another agent in Minnesota wrote a memo theorizing that
Zacarias Moussaoui, now serving life in prison for his role in the attacks,
seemed like a terrorist planning to “fly a plane into the World Trade Center.”
Both were ignored.
“For
them to say we’re holding out on them now—fuck you,” the CIA veteran says.
“That’s what I want to say to all of you: Fuck you, assholes. Three thousand
people dead and 22 years later, and you’re still trying to wash the stain off
the FBI.”
Another
CIA veteran told SpyTalk he found the recruiting theory laughable: The Saudis
would never allow the CIA to recruit one of their own citizens. But he said he
wouldn’t put anything past the personnel in Alec Station, as the CIA’s bin
Laden station was known— including going out of channels to try to recruit
Hazmi and Mihdhar.
Rogue
Operators
(It
wouldn’t be the first or last time: Years after former FBI special agent and
private investigator Robert Levinson went missing in Kish Island, Iran, in 2007
for example, his family learned that he had gone “at the direction of certain
CIA analysts who had no authority to run operations overseas,” according to a
Washington Post investigation. The CIA had told the Senate Intelligence
Committee and FBI that the spy agency “had nothing to do with him going to
Iran.”
Two
former CIA case officers who spoke to Canestraro saw Alec Station as a place
where the normal rules didn’t apply. Located in a northern Virginia office
outside CIA headquarters, Alec Station was stuffed with analysts who saw
themselves as operatives. Even though they were not undercover, the analysts
would refer to each other by their code names around the office. Despite their
limited operational training, the analysts at Alec Station would also direct
operations in the field and even went so far as to block one operation
targeting Al Qaeda, according to Canestraro’s interviews.
...“CS-10,” a 25-year CIA veteran, “told me that the
analysts at UBL station felt that they could undertake operations as easily as
the case officers even though they had not been trained in covert
intelligence-gathering techniques,” Canestraro wrote.
...The
other former CIA case officer, CS-11, told Canestraro that “it would have been difficult” for any
of the analysts “to run an operation out of UBL Station without approval from
other CIA officers.”
The
theory about a failed CIA recruitment effort surfaced in Lawrence Wright’s
Pulitzer Prize-winning 2007 book, The Looming Tower: Al Qaeda and the Road to
9/11. Mark Rossini, a former FBI agent detailed to the CIA, was the first
former insider to go public with his belief that the spy agency sought to use
Bayoumi to recruit the hijackers. Richard Clarke, the National Security Council
counterterrorism coordinator in the Clinton and Bush White Houses, followed
with a 2016 article claiming that a major element of the 9/11 tragedy remained
unrevealed. Clarke wrote that he too
believed that the CIA had used Bayoumi to approach the hijackers in what he
called a “false flag” operation.
Clarke
tells SpyTalk that he began to suspect something was amiss when CIA Director
George Tenet paid a personal visit to his office in the White House after 9/11.
The CIA’s inspector general was examining whether the agency had done enough to
stop the attacks. Tenet, accompanied by two of his lieutenants, Cofer Black and
Richard Blee, asked Clarke to write a letter to the inspector general, John
Helgerson, praising the agency’s performance. Clarke was a little hesitant to
write a letter on Tenet’s behalf but he eventually did say something along the lines
of what they asked, he told SpyTalk.
What
struck Clarke as odd was how nervous the CIA director seemed. “What was
shocking to me was here’s the CIA director really worried about a CIA inspector
general investigation into him and his relationship to 9/11,” Clarke says.
“That’s one of the reasons I’ve often thought that my recruitment theory was
probably right.”
Philip
Zelikow, former executive director of the 9/11 Commission, has said there was
no evidence to support such a theory. “If the ‘recruitment theory’ posited by
Clarke and Rossini were true, there would be evidence of a recruitment
effort—some CIA attempt to locate and contact al-Mihdhar and al-Hazmi. There is
no such evidence. Nor was there any evidence of a recruitment plan or even the
consideration of one,” Zelikow wrote in a 2017 article. (Zelikow did not return
emails from SpyTalk.)
Several
former FBI agents told Canestraro that the alleged recruitment effort explained
one of the most glaring intelligence-sharing failures in the runup to 9/11: The
CIA’s failure to notify the FBI upon learning that the hijackers were headed to
the United States. Not only did the CIA fail to take the simple step of putting
the hijackers’ names on a watchlist, it also blocked FBI agents detailed to the
CIA from sending a memo informing FBI headquarters. Nineteen months later
Mihdhar and Hazmi were part of a team that hijacked American Airlines Flight 77
and crashed it into the Pentagon.
End Run
Rossini
was an eyewitness to the CIA’s efforts to prevent his headquarters from
learning that Mihdhar had a multiple-entry U.S. visa. (Rossini declined to
comment for the record for this story.) But in interviews in 2015 and a brief
memoir that was published online, Rossini revealed that a CIA officer in the
agency’s bin Laden station ordered him in early 2000 to keep silent. It was
“not a matter for the FBI,” Rossini says he was told. “The next Al Qaeda attack
is going to be in Southeast Asia, and if and when we want to let the FBI know
we will and you are not to say anything.” Rossini did not name the CIA officer,
but she has previously been identified as Michael Anne Casey.
The
CIA’s Inspector General concluded that the agency’s failure to pass the
information on Hazmi and Midhar’s arrival to the FBI until August 2001 was not
a mistake borne out of a reluctance to share it but rather one of poor
implementation, guidance, and oversight of processes designed to foster
exchanges. An anonymous CIA officer—subsequently identified as Tom Wilshire, a
former deputy chief of the bin Laden station—told the joint congressional
committee investigating 9/11, “Something apparently was dropped somewhere and
we don't know where that was.”
SpyTalk
was able to identify some of Canestraro’s sources. Rossini’s previous
statements fit those of the former FBI agent identified in Canestraro’s filing
as “CS-3.” The statement of “CS-4”
matches the account in Newsweek of James Bernazzani, who oversaw the FBI
contingent in the CIA’s Counterterrorist Center and described how he rushed
word on Hazmi and Midhar down to headquarters as soon as he learned of it.
(Bernazzani did not return messages left seeking comment.)
Rossini’s
statement to Canestraro adds a new wrinkle to his version of events. A few
years after 9/11, Rossini says he was at CIA headquarters, when he heard James
Pavitt, the CIA deputy director for operations, and Director George Tenet
discuss the 9/11 Commission’s request to speak with Michael Anne Casey, the CIA
officer who instructed him that
Mihdhar’s visa was “not a matter for the FBI.”
Pavitt told Tenet that he was “glad” the CIA had kept Casey away from
the 9/11 Commission, Rossini said, and Tenet agreed that it was a good idea.
“CS-3 stated that the conversation indicated two CIA officials had conspired to
obstruct the 9/11 Commission,” Canestraro wrote. (The CIA did not respond to
questions about the purported conversation. Tenet did not return a message left
seeking comment. Pavitt died last
December.)
Canestraro’s
court filing in Guantanamo also raises long-simmering questions about the Saudi
government and 9/11. Fifteen of the 19 hijackers were from Saudi Arabia. Was
the Saudi government connected in any way to the terrorist plot? Did any Saudi
government officials have prior knowledge of the plan to attack New York and
Washington?
The U.S.
intelligence community has been
grappling with those questions for years. The CIA Inspector General’s
9/11 Review Team reported in 2005 that it found no evidence that the Saudi
government knowingly and willingly supported Al Qaeda. But newly declassified documents reveal that,
at a minimum, the Saudi government knew far more about Hazmi and Mihdhar’s
arrival in America than it was letting on to the FBI.
...Another
one of Canestraro’s interviewees, identified as CS-8, told him that
"diplomatic pressure" was exerted on the FBI not to investigate the
Saudi government’s connections to the 9/11 attacks. The person did not elaborate.
A
recently declassified FBI memo from 2017 revealed the bureau’s belated
discovery that Bayoumi was paid a monthly stipend as a “cooptee” of the Saudi
General Intelligence Presidency. (A cooptee is a citizen of a country, but not
an officer or employee of that country’s intelligence service, who assists that
service on a temporary or opportunity basis.) The memo notes that the
allegations of Bayoumi’s involvement with Saudi intelligence were not confirmed
at the time of the 9/11 Commission’s report, which had concluded that Bayoumi
was “an unlikely candidate for clandestine involvement with Islamic extremists.
Bayoumi
was part of a Saudi intelligence network that defied conventions. The head of
the Saudi General Intelligence Presidency before 9/11 was the veteran spymaster
Prince Turki al Faisal. Bayoumi, however, was paid out of channels by, and
reported to, Prince Bandar bin Sultan Al Saud, the longtime Saudi ambassador to
the United States and close friend of the Bush family, according to a
declassified FBI memo. Information that Bayoumi collected on persons of
interest in the Saudi community in San Diego and Los Angeles was forwarded to
Prince Bandar, not Prince Turki. Prince
Bandar and his wife, Princess Haifa al Faisal, also sent money to a close
associate of Bayoumi in San Diego and the associate’s wife, according to FBI
reporting.
The CIA,
which had a close relationship with Prince Bandar, saw the Saudi embassy
intelligence network as business as usual. “This is normal intelligence
collection from [any] embassy in the West,” the CIA veteran who worked on the
9/11 investigation says. The United States and Saudi Arabia had reached an
understanding through a covert alliance that went back decades. In the 1970s, Saudi
Arabia joined forces with the United States and other countries to fight
Communism, especially in Africa, where the Soviet Union was backing an array of
rebel groups and organizations. The alliance came to be known as the “Safari
Club.” Saudi Arabia bankrolled U.S. intelligence operations and set up covert
banking services for the agency. Later on the Saudis funded the anti-communist
Nicaraguan Contra rebels at the request of the Reagan White House and the CIA.
The Saudis also showered money on the Afghan mujahideen as they battled the
occupying Soviet Red Army in the 1980s. Thousands of Saudis traveled to
Afghanistan to fight alongside the mujahideen, including Osama bin Laden, who
went on to found Al Qaeda with money from his wealthy family.
The CIA veteran
involved in the 9/11 investigation detailed another little-known example of
Saudi cooperation after the attacks. Shortly after the September 11 calamity,
the Saudis loaded a plane with reams of information on Al Qaeda and delivered
it to the CIA.
“It was
the most impressive data dump I’ve ever seen in my life,” the former CIA case
officer says. “It was every piece of information they might have had about
anybody who might have been an Al Qaeda guy.” That information would prove
critical years later in identifying a courier and adding to the puzzle that led
the agency to Osama bin Laden’s hideout in Pakistan.
The
Saudi-CIA cooperation was not always smooth. After 9/11, there was a curious
dispute that involved Saudi princes Turki and Bandar, the CIA, and the first
two hijackers to arrive in the United States. The usually-secretive Saudis
officials publicly revealed several intelligence tips they provided to the
United States. Prince Turki told The Associated Press that his agency had
passed word to the CIA in late 1999 and early 2000 that Hazmi and Mihdhar were
members of Al Qaeda.
“What we
told them was these people were on our watch list from previous activities of
Al Qaeda, in both the embassy bombings and attempts to smuggle arms into the
Kingdom,” Turki said. In addition, Nawaf Obaid, a security consultant to the
Saudi government, told author Lawrence Wright that the names of the future
hijackers were given to the then-station chief in Riyadh. That wasn’t the only
tip the U.S. intelligence community had on the hijackers. In late 1999, the
U.S. intelligence community intercepted communications revealing that “Khalid”
(Mihdhar) and “Nawaf” (Hazmi) had been summoned to an Al Qaeda meeting in
Malaysia. A CIA desk officer noted that “something more nefarious [was] afoot.”
A
heads-up from Saudi intelligence would go a long way to help explain why the
CIA was so closely tracking Hazmi and Mihdhar as they made their way to the
United States in 2000. The CIA, however, furiously denied Prince Turki’s account,
saying it did not receive any information from Saudi Arabia about the two
future hijackers’ connections to Al Qaeda until after 9/11. Prince Bandar then
issued a “clarification” to Prince Turki’s account: There were “no documents
sent by Saudi Arabia regarding Mihdhar and Hamzi prior to September 11.” In
other words, there was no paper trail for Congress, the FBI, or the 9/11
Commission to find. Prince Turki later retracted his statement in an interview
with author Lawrence Wright.
Perhaps
Prince Turki got it wrong (or lied for his own reasons). Or perhaps his
comments had touched on secrets that the Saudis were just as desperate to
conceal as the CIA. In 2007, the FBI opened Operation Encore to examine the
network that supported Hazmi and Mihdhar when they arrived in the United States
barely able to speak English. The FBI closed Operation Encore in 2021 after
finding insufficient evidence to charge any Saudi government official with
conspiring to help the hijackers carry out the 9/11 attack.
Hidden Hands
One of
Encore’s more stunning findings, however,
was that the first two hijackers to arrive in the United States were
aided by a militant Islamic network created and funded by officials in the
Saudi embassy under the leadership of Bush family friend Prince Bandar.
The
Saudi government and its embassy in Washington played a key role in “the
funding and creation of a multitude of Islamic organizations, offices, imams,
and other religious figures with in the US—many of which were involved with
militant ideology,” according to an FBI memo from 2021 highlighting Saudi
government connections to 9/11. “Several of these were known to be tied
directly to Prince Bandar and/or were involved with the collection of
information on US-based Islamic entities.”
According
to the FBI, the Saudi militant network in the U.S. served a dual function. It
promoted Wahhabism, an ultraconservative branch of Islam based on a literal
reading of the Koran. It also collected intelligence on the dissidents that the
royal family viewed as a threat. It was this network that assisted the
hijackers when they landed at Los Angeles International Airport on January 15,
2000. And if Mark Rossini, Richard Clarke, and CS-23 are correct, it was this
network that was involved in the effort to recruit at least one of the
hijackers at the behest of the CIA’s Alec Station operatives.
The
Saudi Embassy did not respond to a request seeking comment. A 2021 statement
from the Embassy said that any allegation of Saudi complicity with the 9/11
plot was categorically false.
The
militant network in Southern California was run by a close associate of Prince
Bandar’s whose name was kept secret until recently. A man named Musaed
al-Jarrah ran the Islamic Affairs office within the Saudi Embassy in
Washington. Jarrah was a “known” Saudi intelligence officer, according to the
2021 FBI memo. He was also a key figure in the investigation of Saudi
government ties to the 9/11 plot.
“Jarrah was a controlling, guiding, and directing influence on all
aspects of Sunni extremist activity in Southern California,” the 2021 memo
states. “Jarrah had numerous contacts with terrorism suspects throughout the
U.S.” Jarrah left the United States in 2006 after coming under suspicion for
his links to terrorism. He continued working for Prince Bandar in the Saudi
National Security Ministry in Riyadh, according to the 2021 FBI memo.
From
Jarrah, the FBI found a trail leading to the hijackers. Agents uncovered
evidence that Jarrah had directed Bayoumi and an employee of the Saudi
consulate in Los Angeles to help the hijackers, according to FBI documents.
Bayoumi was in direct contact with Jarrah around the time of the hijackers’
arrival in the United States.
The 9/11
Commission steered clear of these issues when it interviewed Prince Bandar in
October 2003 at his home in McLean, Virginia. Bandar did not volunteer information
about Bayoumi or the militant network in the U.S. that his staff had
fostered—and it appears he was not asked
about either issue, according to notes of the conversation that were
declassified in 2019.
But
Bandar took a conciliatory approach. He explained that his government “chose
not to see” the radical fundamentalists in its midst. The government “treated
them much like Americans treat the Amish,” Bandar told the 9/11 Commission. “We
allow them to flourish and have no reason to believe that their way of life
would do anyone harm.” The Saudi prince quoted from Invisible Man, Ralph
Ellison’s classic novel on the Black experience: “I am invisible because you
choose not to see me.” Left unexplored
was the role that Wahhabism, the austere state religion that the Saudi
government had spread around the globe, may have played in radicalizing Osama bin Laden and other
militant fundamentalists.
Now, 20
years later, an anonymous FBI agent has come forward to say that there’s
evidence about 9/11 implicating Saudi Arabia and the CIA that remains invisible
to the public. Former FBI agents say the CIA may still be hiding what it knows
about the first two 9/11 hijackers to arrive in the United States, as well as
the real reasons why nobody told the FBI they were coming to America.
Canestraro tells SpyTalk that his filing shows the CIA is hiding information.
“There are files in the government's possession that neither the military
commissions nor the general public have seen regarding Saudi Arabia's potential
role in 9/11,” he said. “These files should be at a minimum released to the
military commissions.”
Until
then, answers to the remaining 9/11 riddles will remain out of sight.
***Seth
Hettena is a contributing editor at Rolling Stone and writes about national security
and politics from San Diego.
https://www.spytalk.co/p/exclusive-fbi-agents-accuse-cia-of