In Niger, one of several Sahel countries in political turmoil, the new military government has pivoted from French and European partners into the arms of Russia and Iran. Conditions in Niger have worsened since an August coup. Russia has sought to pry Sahel states from European partners. The threat of terrorism in Niger risks total destabilization.
In a
region long suffering from political and economic instability, Niger’s 2021
election of President Mohamed Bazoum was a moment of optimism: the country’s
first peaceful, democratic transfer of power since its independence from France
in 1960.
Just
over two years later, Mr. Bazoum became the latest head of state in the Sahel
to be overthrown in a coup. Why has this West African state, one of the poorest
in the world, followed in the footsteps of its neighbors Burkina Faso and Mali?
Another
Sahel coup
The
domino effect is striking: in a similar fashion, a military coup took place in
each of these countries, replacing the legitimately elected leader with a
pseudo-savior for the nation. As soon as they entered the presidential palace,
each hastened to dismiss the French forces present in the country and summon in
their place those of a new, Russian big brother. Amazingly, Wagner group forces
quickly appeared, ready to help in training a presidential guard or driving out
jihadists.
In
Niger, General Abdourahamane Tchiani took power last July. He immediately took
measures against France, whose soldiers had been there for years to fight
against the threat of Islamist extremism. The junta quickly demanded the exit
of the French forces, who numbered about 1,500, and denounced existing security
agreements with Paris. The last French soldiers finally left the country on
December 22, 2023.
At the
end of August, the military regime also expelled the French ambassador, Sylvain
Itte, who had remained trapped inside the diplomatic representation for nearly
a month following the coup. Paris closed its embassy in Niamey “until further
notice” at the beginning of 2024, planning to continue its activities from
France.
Meanwhile,
things in Niger have only worsened. In November, the country repealed a law
against the smuggling of migrants, which had been adopted alongside the
European Union at the Valletta Summit in 2015. The migratory surge from Africa
is no less salient today, almost as intense as during the 2015-2016 crisis
period. This time, the government in Niger has chosen its side, which is not
that of France or Europe. Local and regional authorities now welcome the
resumption of the migration “trade,” which would help revive the economy. In
Agadez, where tourist activity collapsed due to jihadism, people had long
relied on the manna brought by these migrants.
Now, the
junta that took power in Niamey is killing two birds with one stone: improving
the economy (and not even by illegitimate means) while buying off the Tuaregs
of Agadez, who were tempted to rally behind the deposed former president. One
can add a third blow to this stone, one that Moscow knows well: using migration
to blackmail Europe.
Russian
support
Contrary
to what Russian propaganda has long pretended – both in France, with means such
as the Kremlin-sponsored Russia Today channel, and across Africa itself – these
coups in the Sahel were well-prepared by Moscow. This was quickly evidenced by
the decisions of the usurpers. After taking power, the junta in Niamey
denounced the previous security cooperation agreements with the Europeans and
soon received a Russian official with great pomp, just as the new military
rulers had done in Mali and Burkina Faso.
On
December 4, General Tchiani welcomed with honors the Russian deputy defense
minister, Colonel General Yunus-Bek Yevkurov. The Nigerien government announced
the “strengthening of cooperation in the field of defense” with Moscow and the
signing of a protocol, the contents of which remain secret. Deputy Minister
Yevkurov also met with Niger’s defense minister, General Salifou Mody,
considered the country’s second strongman.
In a
statement addressed to the European Union delegation in Niamey, the regime also
denounced the two agreements governing European support for Nigerien defense
and security forces. The EUCAP Sahel, a civilian mission of some 130 created in
2012 to support border security forces, and the EUMPM Niger, the military
mission set up in 2022 to help Nigerien soldiers fight terrorism, have been
asked to pack their bags. This bodes well for the arrival of Russia’s Wagner
group in Niger. It should be noted that Mr. Yevkurov himself is said to lead
the Africa Corps, a reported effort by the Kremlin to subsume Wagner’s
paramilitary activities on the continent after the death of its founder Yevgeny
Prigozhin.
To be
sure, pro-Russian sentiment is not new in the Sahel. During the period of
decolonization, beginning in the 1950s, the Soviet Union established close ties
with several African countries and supported them in their struggles for
independence. By the height of the Cold War, Moscow had trained many African
leaders and elites. Niger’s Abdou Moumouni Dioffo, who helped found the African
Independence Party, became the first African associate professor of physical
sciences after receiving training in the Soviet Union, as the Russia/Africa
expert Tatiana Smirnova has noted. Today, he is the namesake of the University
of Niamey.
Yet
Niger’s pivot away from the West is not limited to Russia. In January, Nigerien
Prime Minister Ali Lamine Zeine was received in Tehran by Iran’s vice president
to sign partnerships in the fields of energy, health and finance – all in the
name of mutual aid between two “victims of the system of domination.”
“Niger
intends to breathe new life into cooperation with the Islamic Republic,”
declared Mr. Zeine after signing the joint agreements. Iran, along with Russia,
forms an increasingly powerful anti-Western axis that needs African support,
especially at the United Nations.
Security
threats
Domestically,
things are less rosy. Niger’s economy has been damaged by heavy economic
sanctions imposed by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS)
since the military coup overthrew President Bazoum. Niger formed the Alliance
of Sahel States with Burkina Faso and Mali last September in response to the
suspension. The group has gone so far as to discuss the creation of a new
currency to would replace the CFA franc. But these proposals do not seem very
credible, especially given the present talk of large quantities of gold exiting
the country.
Similarly,
on the security front, the forced departure of French soldiers seems to be
giving free rein to terrorists and jihadist elements. At the end of January,
the government had to admit that 10 Nigerien soldiers had been wounded in
fighting in the southeastern Lake Chad region – though it added, without
verification, that “several dozen” fighters from the jihadist group Boko Haram
were also killed.
According
to Niger’s defense ministry, the clashes erupted when Boko Haram forces
attacked a special battalion positioned at the airport in N’Guigmi, a garrison
town in the Diffa region of Nigeria. But already a few weeks earlier, three
civilians were killed and two gendarmes wounded in an attack on a security post
in the village of Laoudou, 17 kilometers south of Niamey – the second such raid
carried out so close to the capital.
The
country that is staking a claim to its full independence from the former
colonial power France has nevertheless put itself in the hands of the Russians.
It remains vulnerable to total destabilization by the threat of terrorism.
https://www.gisreportsonline.com/r/niger-france-russia/
***Charles Millon is a French politician who
served as France’s Minister of Defense from 1995 to 1997 in Alain Juppe’s
government and French Ambassador to the United Nations from 2003 to 2007. He is
one of the leading specialists on Africa. He is the founder and trustee of the
Thomas More Institute, a European Think Tank in Brussels, Belgium, and founding
partner of the Cabinet Intelstrat firm in Paris. Mr. Millon started his career
as a legal counsel and tax consultant, founding Lyon-based law firm DMG, which
is currently the sixth largest law firm in France. He began a long political
career following his election as Mayor of Belley in eastern France in 1977. He
was regional councillor for the French Departement of Ain (1978-2002);
President of the French Regional Council of Rhône-Alpes (1988-1999);
Vice-President of the French National Assembly (1986-1988); President of the
Union for French Democracy Group in the National Assembly (1989-1995); Minister
of Defense (1995-1997); Lyon Municipal Council and Community Councillor for the
Urban Community of Greater Lyon (2001-2007) and appointed French Ambassador to
the United Nations (2003-2007). He has the French equivalent of a MA degree in economics.
A degree
in economics.