The ``Democracy Charter'' adopted by the OAS in 2001 was a major step forward for the strengthening of democratic values in the Americas. Yet, the remedies provided by the charter for violations of the democratic process looked more to coup d'états of yesteryear than to the gradual erosion of democratic principles of today.

The charter does not define when ``an unconstitutional alteration that seriously impairs the democratic order'' has taken place. It does not include indicators to determine how serious that alteration is or provide preventive measures to deal with such a situation.

This is why the charter was of little help in the events leading up to the June 28 coup in Honduras, but conversely mandated specific actions after the coup. These measures were unanimously approved by the member states of the OAS, including the United States. Secretary General Insulza was bound to comply with the decision.

A recent Washington Post editorial considers Insulza the ``embodiment of the dysfunction'' of the OAS, for catering ``to the region's left-wing leaders.'' Yet, in January 2007, when Mr. Insulza criticized the decision of the Venezuelan government not to renew the broadcasting license of Radio Caracas Television and President Hugo Chávez responded by hurling unprintable names at Insulza and calling for his immediate resignation, not one president or foreign minister of the Americas, save those of Chile, his own country, spoke on his defense.

When acting on behalf of the OAS, the secretary general is only as effective as the support he receives from the Member States.

More recently, when a group of countries proposed in June 2009, that Cuba be unconditionally reinstated to the OAS, Insulza worked tirelessly in favor of alternative language that conditioned Cuba's reentry to a request from its government and a determination by member states that it meet the democratic principles of the organization.

If the current Cuban government ever requested readmission, the OAS would have a unique opportunity to publicly debate the state of representative democracy in Cuba and in the Americas. Given the lack of political freedoms and the violations of human rights in Cuba today, its request would surely be denied.

Insulza, elected secretary general in 2005, is seeking reelection. It is in the best interests of the United States to vote for his reelection for two reasons: to preserve its leadership in the region and because Insulza deserves another term. Five years ago, the United States backed two candidates opposed to Insulza. It was the first time that the United States did not initially back the winning candidate. It should not allow that to happen again.

Insulza has the support of a majority of countries (which, tellingly, does not include Venezuela or Nicaragua), has no opposition and has already received strong endorsement from the center-right president-elect of Chile, his compatriot.

But Insulza's record should be the basis of his reelection. He brought the OAS a renewed leadership, allowing it to play a leading role in, among others: the resolution of conflicts, such as between Colombia and Ecuador and Guatemala and Belize, and in Haiti, Nicaragua and Bolivia; the sending of successful observer missions to more than 50 elections throughout the hemisphere; and the promotion of greater regional cooperation aimed at reducing illegal drug trafficking

Is the OAS perfect? Certainly not. But in this year, the centennial of the House of the Americas, the historic headquarters of the OAS built with a donation from U.S. philanthropist Andrew Carnegie, its mission is as important as ever. Let us strive to preserve and improve it.

**Roberto Alvarez was ambassador of the Dominican Republic to the OAS from June 2005 to September 2008.