David Spencer: There is currently one group of guerrillas active in Paraguay, the Paraguayan Popular Army (EPP). The movement began in the historically neglected area around Concepcion in 1990, shortly after the fall of the Alfredo Stroessner government. Leftist opposition groups supporting land reform on behalf of the area’s peasants appeared after 1989. Fernando Lugo, the current president of Paraguay, and other Catholic priests preaching liberation theology played a leadership role. Similarly, the founder of the guerrilla movement, Juan Arrom, was a seminary student who recruited from the landless movement, originally called Patrido Patria Libre (“Free Fatherland Party” or PPL). 

Members of the PPL are believed to have initially received guerrilla training from Chilean FPMR guerrillas, and around 1999 the PPL are thought to have developed a relationship with and received training from the Colombian FARC. Shortly afterward, members of the PPL begin participating in bank robberies and high-profile kidnappings. The movement split in 2005 after the kidnapping and killing of Cecilia Cubas, daughter of former president Raul Cubas. One of the most important splinter groups has now formed the Paraguayan Movement to Socialism (PMAS), which is part of President Lugo’s governing coalition. 

Between 2005 and 2008, the PPL carried out sporadic actions, attacking large farms owned by Brazilians, assassinating policemen and overrunning and burning down a police station. In March 2008, the EPP was officially established. Its first overt act was to overrun a minor military outpost at Tacuati on Dec. 31, 2008, propelling the guerrillas into the national spotlight.  

WPR: What sparked the recent spike in guerrilla violence?

Spencer: The violence by and against the EPP has moved forward in fits and starts. However, there has been a subtle escalation as both sides attempt to gain the upper hand. By the end of 2009, no more than a dozen people from all parties had been killed. Since then, fewer than another dozen more have perished -- in other words, this is still a very low-level conflict. 

The government initially moved slowly against the EPP. Some did not want to admit the EPP were guerrillas, and others thought that a soft approach could convince them to see reason and lay down their weapons. This only encouraged additional violence, particularly some high-profile kidnappings that humiliated the Lugo government. This caused the government to seek help, most notably from Colombia. With Colombian training and equipment, the Paraguayan police were able to kill or capture several guerrillas and raid some of their camps. After a period of inactivity following these raids, the EPP returned with additional violence, including bombings and the deadly overrunning of a police station. This provoked the deployment of army troops to reinforce the police in the north. 

WPR: What impact do these groups have on domestic and regional politics?

Spencer: While this is largely a Paraguayan conflict, there are regional implications. The most recent tactics employed by the EPP are distinctly similar to those currently being employed in Colombia by the FARC, which may indicate a continued direct connection between the two groups. This means that Colombians are participating in various ways on both sides of the conflict. Some of Cecilia Cubas’ kidnappers are reported to have taken refuge in Bolivia, which has so far refused to extradite them to Paraguay. In addition, there are rumors that the EPP in Bolivia might be involved in drug trafficking, which presumably is replacing kidnapping as a principal means of financing the group. Brazil also granted asylum to some of the original founders of the group when it was still known as Patria Libre. Currently the conflict is relatively contained, but regional attitudes and participation are having an impact on the course of events.