The prestige accorded to India is befitting its growing geopolitical heft, its example as a peaceful and peace-loving nation and its status as the world's largest democracy. And there's no denying that the invitation has also helped mellow the resentment felt in New Delhi as it watched the U.S. vigorously engaged with China during Obama's recent Asia tour. Singh's visit will thus hopefully help reinforce the Obama administration's designation of India as a "strategic partner" for the U.S. in the 21st century.

Both Obama and Singh are expected to cover a broad range of global, regional and bilateral issues of common concern. They will also try to advance the strategic dialogue launched by Secretary of State Hillary Clinton during her India visit in July. Obama and his wife, Michelle, will also host Singh and his wife, Gursharan Kaur, for their first official state dinner.

However, in a marked departure from previous India-U.S. heads of government meetings, Singh intends to put special emphasis on economic and trade ties, and defense and strategic cooperation between the two nations. The current commercial agenda for U.S. companies includes equipment, projects and investments related to green energy, civil nuclear infrastructure sales, defense procurement and technologies to strengthen India's domestic security.

India, for its part, would like to seal the purchase of defense and homeland security equipment worth billions of dollars. Similarly, New Delhi is hopeful of attracting substantive infrastructure investments by U.S. firms in the form of roads, ports, airports, urban reconstruction, telecom, and new and emerging sectors.

Briefings regarding China, both within the context of Asia and beyond, will be an integral part of Singh's agenda. Washington is well aware that both China and India are Asian superpowers and need the requisite space to play an influential role in global geopolitics. However, the perception in New Delhi lately has been that Obama is assigning the watchdog or arbiter's role in Asia to China. And there is considerable rancor about it.

Both sides are also aware that the close rapport enjoyed with former U.S. President George W. Bush is missing with Obama, resulting in a certain wariness in New Delhi about his policies. Obama has also generated disquiet in India by linking the Kashmir issue with broader problems in the region. As a result, Obama's demonstrated preference for a greater Sino-American role in managing global affairs has exacerbated New Delhi's concerns.

Indeed, Indian experts feel that the role the U.S. envisages for China in Asia warrants a forthright discussion between Obama and Singh. New Delhi needs to be reassured that America's friendship with China won't come at India's expense, just like India has been sensitive that its engagement with China doesn't impact Indo-U.S. ties. This can only occur if Obama himself explains where India stands in his conception of Asia. For its part, India can perhaps proactively define its vision for a bilateral relationship and chart a roadmap for future engagement in Asia and beyond.

Given the circumstances, experts also warn that neither America nor India should expect "huge deliverables" from the Indian prime minister's Washington visit. On the contrary, it would be prudent for both to work on quietly strengthening their "multifaceted partnership" -- all the more so, since the summit takes place against the backdrop of a bruising economic downturn, the explosive climate change issue, China's growing military assertiveness and an escalation in the threat posed by terrorism and religious extremism in Asia.

Another factor that can't be ignored during this trip is the Pakistan angle. Obama's invitation to Singh is unlikely to go over well with Islamabad, which might even view it as a snub. So while the U.S. might want to win over India, it will also be required to pay heed to the undercurrents that keep India and Pakistan rivals -- namely Kashmir, sectarian extremism and nuclear competition. Another thing which irks India is the generous financial support that the U.S. continues to extend to Pakistan despite mounting evidence of the latter's involvement in terrorist attacks against India. This is especially significant now, as India marks the first anniversary of the Mumbai attacks on Nov. 26.

However, the two democracies -- one the world's oldest, and the other the world's largest -- are likely to manage the nuanced complexity of these issues, considering how much their national interests converge. Their overarching shared interests in South Asia, and their common desire to prevent Asia from being dominated by a single power, augur well for a long-term bilateral partnership. At the same time, glaring differences can't be brushed under the diplomatic red carpet either. Therefore, both parties should focus on how to work through fractious issues while generating political comfort for each other.

This is certainly not the first meeting between Singh and Obama, and it certainly won't be their last. Yet it is imperative that both leverage this opportunity to chart a new course, in order to capture the growth potential of the two nations' economies and lay down a strong foundation for future bilateral cooperation.

**Neeta Lal is a New Delhi-based journalist, formerly with the Times of India and editor of the Asian Age Sunday Section. Her work has appeared in numerous U.S., Asian and European print and Web-based publications.