The ongoing struggle to bring Thacker Pass online reflects many of the political and economic imperatives underpinning US efforts to secure and develop its own supply chains, and in doing so catch up to China in the various strategic commodities expected to drive the ‘green’ industrial revolution.
Economically
it’s a no-brainer: lithium, or ‘white oil,’ is a critical input in the
production of lithium-ion batteries, which are an essential component in
everything from electric vehicles to grid modernization efforts. It follows
that global demand for the alkali metal is expected to explode over the next
decade, growing from 500,000 metric tons of lithium carbonate equivalent (LCE)
in 2021 to 3-4 million metric tons in 2030. This presents two policy dilemmas for
Washington and its allies: 1) how to develop new sources of lithium to supply
the market; and 2) how to ensure that these sources are secure and not subject
to blackmail by state-backed adversaries.
The
second question speaks to the fraught geopolitics surrounding the production of
lithium and other strategic commodities (cobalt, nickel, graphite, iron, to
name a few). Put simply: China dominates the market in a way that could pose
problems for US industry in the (increasingly likely) event of a major breach
between the world’s two largest economies. The country’s share of the
lithium-ion battery market is estimated to be as high as 80 percent, with 6 of
the 10 largest global EV battery producers based in China. This dominance also
extends down the supply chain, with China controlling around two-thirds of
global lithium processing capacity. Even lithium supply in a friendly
jurisdiction such as Australia is dominated by China; for example, Tianqi
Lithium owns a 51% share in the massive Greenbushes mine and Ganfeng Lithium
owns a 50% share in Mount Marion.
China’s
dominance in global lithium was decades in the making, but only now is it
finally sinking in amid policymaking circles in Washington. The message is
unequivocal: US industry lags far behind in supply and processing capacity for
this (and other) strategic commodities, and catching up will require both time
and billions in targeted investment. How much investment? One estimate puts the
figure at $175 billion over three years for the United States to catch up to
China in the field of battery production.
Enter
the Thacker Pass complex, located in Humboldt County, Nevada – an approximately
$1 billion open pit mine that received government approval during the final
days of the Trump administration in 2021. The mine, owned by Canada’s Lithium
Americas corporation, represents the largest known lithium reserve in the
United States, and is estimated to be able to produce up to 80,000 tonnes per
annum (tpa) over 40 years. For context, that’s roughly equivalent to the global
output of lithium production in 2020. Processing facilities are also planned
for the site, with a proposed extraction-to-battery-ready turnaround time of
just 24 hours, thus helping to alleviate Washington’s processing gap with
China.
In the
wider context of US-China lithium competition, Thacker Pass would be a clear
win for Washington.
But the
win comes at a cost, and herein lies the political dynamic acting as a drag on
lithium production in the United States and elsewhere: this supposedly green
input isn’t entirely green. In addition to the burning an estimated 11,300
gallons of diesel fuel per day for its regular operations, Thacker Pass would
be just as water-intensive as lithium mining operations elsewhere, requiring an
estimated 5,200 acre-feet/year of groundwater extraction by Phase 2. Water
quality is an issue due to the risk of chemicals tied to extraction and
processing leeching into groundwater reservoirs. The lithium processing aspect
of the operation would also involve other risks stemming from the use of large
volumes of sulfur (an estimated 1,896 tons per day) and sulfuric acid (5,800
tons per day). However, these and other environmental issues surrounding the
mine were largely glossed over by the environmental impact statement, which was
atypically swift owing to a series of executive orders by the Trump
administration meant to streamline the approval process.
Unsurprising
given the environmental stakes, local opposition to the project has been
fierce. A lawsuit was filed by a local rancher in cooperation with
environmental and indigenous groups against the Bureau of Land Management
(BLM), with the result of a final appeal expected any day now. Other local
residents are hoping the project will go ahead based on the influx of jobs and
economic activity it promises to bring. As it currently stands, Thacker Pass
has received all necessary state permits and construction is expected to go
forward after the legal process runs its course.
Thus,
Thacker Pass and similar projects represent an environmental paradox:
short-term, localized pain for long-term gain via the wider displacement of
fossil fuels by green technology. Transposed onto the geopolitics of US-China
competition, it’s evident how the Chinese system enjoys certain advantages in its
ability to deploy state-directed investment that cuts across bureaucratic red
tape, albeit to the very real detriment of local populations at times. Yet the
Biden administration is attempting to forge ahead despite these constraints of
the US political system; in May 2022, it enacted the 1950 Defense Production
Act to classify nickel, graphite, cobalt, lithium, and manganese as minerals
essential to national defense. In practical terms, the move will help direct
government investment toward the extraction of these strategic commodities,
particularly in funding feasibility studies and modernization programs, but it
stops short of further streamlining of the approval process. The Biden
administration has also made no real effort to reverse Trump administration’s
eleventh-hour approval of Thacker Pass despite pressure from environmental and
indigenous-rights groups that normally constitute an important part of the
Democratic Party’s base.
In the
likely event that it gains final approval, Thacker Pass will become just the
second active lithium mine in the United States, along with Abermarle’s Silver
Peak (also in Nevada). But given the fierce opposition to lithium extraction,
evident not only with Thacker Pass, but also with operations as far afield as
Chile and Serbia – growing the US lithium industry beyond two mines will be
easier said than done.