And there is also the globalization of terrorist attacks, much more successful than the struggle against their instigators. Against the background of these universal worries, here, in a city in Argentina, we celebrate the visit of Fidel Castro and Hugo Chavez as if it was good news.

The first MERCOSUR plenum after the definitive admission of Venezuela, however, took place in the midst of difficulties in our relationship with most of our neighbors.

We are cross at Uruguay: the failure of our recent claim before the International Court at The Hague regarding the setting up of two pulp factories on the Uruguayan shore has altered a relationship that dates back to a time before we were called Argentina and Uruguay. The independence between both countries has always been more formal than real. Even Kirchner. He has succeeded in upsetting a historically peaceful coexistence.

We have also created discomfort in our relationship with Chile: we have failed to comply with our obligations to export almost all products, including natural gas, since 2002, when Argentina froze the utilities fees in pesos at their level from before the devaluation of the national currency, while the dollar tripled its value. Now, we add yet another deeply fraternal gesture: we have transferred the rise applied by Evo Morales to the gas Argentina imports from Bolivia to the price the Chileans pay.

Our close relationship with Venezuela –an explicit ally of Iran, the visible face of the defense of international terrorism– has made Alvaro Uribe, Alejandro Toledo and Alfredo Palacio flinch. They are all very much aware of the plague of the guerrilla and are not willing to approach the friends of their enemies. In other words, Colombia, Peru and Ecuador are not represented by their presidents in this summit, and, these days, they are carrying out bilateral trade negotiations with the United States.

Brazil is the failure of the beginning of the century. Because of its geopolitical position, territory and population, it was bound to lead South America –and the American diplomacy was counting this leadership. Its current paralysis is allowing the Venezuelan dictator to advance over the region. However, in spite of this and the record price of oil –which favors Venezuela, the fifth world exporter–, these loud petty players fail to increase the region’s relative importance.

This suggests that purely dogmatic alliances that lack concrete grounds are hardly effective. Latin American populisms are contributing much empirical evidence to the world of ideas, by demonstrating that a theory they would have like to deny is, in fact, correct: economic coincidences bridge ideological differences, which cannot be said to happen the other way around.

Venezuela, a country that sells 80% of its oil to the United States, has, in practice, its own FTAA with the northern power. Chile was the first South American country to agree on terms of trade with the US; Colombia, Brazil, and Uruguay, are heading there too, and even Bolivia has expressed its intention to negotiate.

However, it must be noted that this success is not a merit of the American diplomacy, particularly deficient in its foreign policy regarding this part of the world. The true authors of the fast improving relations between traditionally anti-American countries and the US are: Kirchner, by arguing with his neighbor, Evo Morales, by nationalizing companies and resources, and Chavez, by supporting Iran’s adventures.

Curly, Larry and Moe are coming to vindicate Fidel Castro’s work: the Cuban dictator has inflated and strengthened the region’s anti-imperialism for decades. All detractor of the United States aligned themselves with him and his bloody regime. Today, the Three Stooges are disentangling that neat cobweb and pushing their younger brothers to the arms of Big Brother. Unintentionally, of course.

* María Zaldívar is a TV journalist from Argentina and Bachelor of Political Science (UCA, Catholic University of Argentina)

www.hacer.org