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19/03/2011 | Rebuilding Haiti -The long, hard haul

The Economist Staff

Can a presidential election change the hopelessness of the Haitian state?

 

A BIG sewage channel runs through Port-au-Prince, Haiti’s capital, heading for the sea. If any of its raw sewage actually gets there, it can only dribble out. The channel is clogged deep with plastic bottles, garbage and human faeces. A video on the World Bank website shows a crane scooping it clean, removing rubbish “the size of a small mountain”. But since no one has resolved the issue of why the channel was blocked in the first place, it is clogged up all over again.

More than a year after a 7.0-magnitude earthquake devastated the country, Haiti is still a mess. The chaos affects its politics, too. The first round of the presidential election, held in November, was marred by charges of fraud. An outside review found that the government’s chosen candidate, who had been proclaimed the runner-up, had actually finished third. He was removed from the run-off and replaced with Michel Martelly, a singer best known for a trouser-dropping routine, who recently admitted defaulting on over $1m of loans on property in Florida.

On March 20th voters will choose between Mr Martelly and Mirlande Manigat, a grandmotherly former first lady and legal scholar. Both are right-wingers. Ms Manigat’s ties to the political establishment may hurt her, given Haitians’ dissatisfaction with the slow pace of rebuilding. Recent polls give Mr Martelly an edge. “Only a bad boy can fix this country,” said one recent caller to a local radio show.

The first order of business is organising a successful election. Some 500 poll workers were fired after the first round, and their replacements are supposedly better trained. The typeface on voter rolls will be bigger, too. Nonetheless, most residents of tent cities have no idea where they are supposed to vote. Any whiff of fraud could spark violent protests.

A further distraction is the impending arrival of Jean-Bertrand Aristide, a former president, who has announced that he will return from exile in South Africa before the vote. Mr Aristide was toppled by a rebellion in 2004. His opponents accuse him of ties to drug traffickers; many of the poor, however, still see him as their champion.

The turmoil surrounding the election risks delaying the hard work of reconstruction even further. Emergency aid operations certainly saved thousands, but all the aid agencies and all the money pledged cannot put Haiti together again. Only Haitians can do that.

Even a year later, no one knows how many died in the quake. The UN and most agencies think 222,570 were killed and 300,572 injured. But Jean-Max Bellerive, Haiti’s prime minister, claims that the real death toll was 316,000. Others, more cynical, say this figure was bumped up so that it would be higher than those killed in the Indian Ocean tsunami of 2004. Big numbers bring more sympathy and more money.

Following the quake the United States and others rushed to bolster the 7,000 UN troops already there. Around 8,930 foreign soldiers now keep the peace, with 3,300 police to “stabilise” this chronically unstable country. All the big humanitarian aid agencies, plus thousands of small ones, piled in. To avoid muddle and duplication, they grouped themselves into “clusters” according to whether they were dealing with, for example, food, sanitation or water, and tried to work together. The result was encouraging. Within four months of the quake those who had lost their homes were under shelter, receiving food and chlorinated water.

Figures are unreliable, but UN data show that the peak of tent-dwelling was reached last July, when 1.5m people were packed into them. By January that figure was down to 810,000 in 1,150 camps. Yet even now massive tent camps still crowd into every available space in Port-au-Prince, nearby Léogâne—the quake’s epicentre—and other places. Many of those who remain under canvas will be far harder to shift than those who have already sorted themselves out. Perhaps 70% of them were previously renting their homes. So they have no house to rebuild, no land and no money anyway. They feel they are better where they are.

Ask people in these tent cities if they have been receiving regular aid and they will tend to tell you they have not. But, says Mr Bellerive, people always say that. He asked a woman he had seen receiving food the day before, who lives in a camp in the gardens of his quake-wrecked office, why she had said on television afterwards that she had received nothing. “Because it is the only way to make sure people will continue to help,” she replied. Tent dwellers, used to journalists and do-gooding foreigners, are now well-aware that they can play to the media.

Better a tent than a slum

A large but unknown number of people in the camps are choosing to stay in them. Life is better there than in the sprawling, gang-infested slums. Camp-dwellers pay no rent. Nor do they have to pay for sanitation, because latrines are often provided by the aid agencies, or clean water, since that is often supplied by the agencies or by the government. Medical services are also easier to find and, again, probably free, courtesy of agencies like UNICEF or charities like Médecins Sans Frontières. A cholera epidemic makes that all the more vital.

Nigel Fisher, who oversees the UN’s aid operations in Haiti, worries about this. Haitians need permanent solutions, including jobs and education; but many now have no incentive to move. Aid is filling a gap that should be filled by the Haitian state. Unless the government can take charge again, properly providing for its people, Haiti will remain chronically and disastrously addicted to foreign aid.

Ever since Christopher Columbus landed on the island of Hispaniola in 1492, Haiti’s history has been brutal. Its moment of glory came in 1804, when its former slaves founded the first independent black republic. Yet the violence of the revolution wrecked the country; Haiti also had to borrow to pay crippling reparations to France, the former colonial power: the loans were not paid off until 1947. Haiti’s people lived under sanctions, isolated and oppressed by a succession of generals, dictators and bad rulers. Ever since 1804, laments Lorraine Mangones of FOKAL, a local NGO, Haiti has been unable to overcome its history and create a modern state.

Since the quake Haiti has received headline pledges of $10.2 billion in aid, including $1.1 billion in debt relief. Of this, under firmer promises, Haiti is supposed to receive $5.5 billion over three years. Mr Bellerive and Bill Clinton, former president of the United States, are in charge of deciding how and where much of the aid is disbursed. To date $1.28 billion has been paid out. But even the full $5.5 billion, divided among 10m Haitians, amounts to less than $185 a year per person.

Mr Bellerive also points out that at least 40% of any aid money goes on the salaries, insurance, cars and so on of the foreigners who come to hand it out. So aid alone can help, but it cannot fix Haiti. Unless development is co-ordinated by the government, it will not be sustainable.

Haiti is often mocked as “the Republic of NGOs”. In the aftermath of the quake, says Mr Bellerive, the government was more or less ignored. Now it is trying to reassert control. That is far easier said than done—and not just because almost every government building was toppled, and nearly one in five civil servants died. One consequence of Haiti’s poverty trap is that 84% of Haitians with more than a secondary education lived abroad in 2000, according to a study cited by the World Bank. How can the next Haitian government do even half of what it needs to do, if so many of the best and the brightest have fled?

And there is worse. According to Joel Boutroue, an aide to the prime minister, the Haitian government’s reputation for incompetence and corruption means that foreigners no longer trust it. Although the government cannot operate unless it is reinforced with money and manpower, aid agencies constantly bypass it, condemning the state to stay forever weak. Compared with many other big aid recipients, Haiti’s government gets little direct budget support, says Mr Boutroue, sadly, “but it is far from being the most corrupt in the world.”

Given enough resources and training, Haitians can work well. You need only look at the symbols spray-painted on almost 400,000 buildings across Port-au-Prince by Haitian engineers. The tags indicate that they have examined the buildings and determined whether they are safe, need repairing or should be demolished.

Yet the next stage of reconstruction will be crucial. The absence of a functioning government means there are no building regulations. Haitians tend to build walls with light concrete blocks which are not reinforced and they then use heavy concrete slabs for roofs and ceilings. Shake the walls and they crumble, so that the concrete falls and crushes anyone underneath. Much of what is now starting to be rebuilt may be as deadly as what was there before. And it is only a matter of time, say the experts, before another earthquake strikes.

The Economist (Reino Unido)

 


Otras Notas Relacionadas... ( Records 1 to 10 of 193 )
fecha titulo
16/08/2013 Haiti police raid warehouses in plastics ban crackdown
28/07/2013 Without Funding, Haiti Faces ''Endemic Cholera''
23/06/2013 Reasons to Have Hope in Haiti, One By One
30/03/2013 Haiti Prime Minister Lamothe makes Africa visit
13/01/2013 A tres años del seísmo, el ''nuevo Haití'' sigue en obras
28/12/2012 Brazil, Dominican Republic agree to step up efforts for Haiti
27/11/2012 ''La reconstrucción de Haití debe empezar por el alma y la dignidad de los haitianos''
03/08/2012 Towards a Post-MINUSTAH Haiti: Making an Effective Transition
01/08/2012 Haiti - Army: Ecuador, Brazil to help set up Haiti new military
01/08/2012 Haiti - Army: Ecuador, Brazil to help set up Haiti new military


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11/01/2011|
08/01/2011|
02/01/2011|
02/01/2011|
29/12/2010|
29/12/2010|
28/12/2010|
26/12/2010|
13/12/2010|
13/12/2010|
08/12/2010|
02/12/2010|
30/11/2010|
30/11/2010|
28/11/2010|
26/11/2010|
26/11/2010|
24/11/2010|
16/11/2010|
16/11/2010|
16/11/2010|
09/11/2010|
07/11/2010|
31/10/2010|
31/10/2010|
31/10/2010|
26/10/2010|
25/10/2010|
22/10/2010|
18/10/2010|
16/10/2010|
16/10/2010|
11/10/2010|
10/10/2010|
10/10/2010|
09/10/2010|
05/10/2010|
28/09/2010|
28/09/2010|
24/09/2010|
24/09/2010|
22/09/2010|
22/09/2010|
15/09/2010|
15/09/2010|
15/09/2010|
12/09/2010|
12/09/2010|
12/09/2010|
12/09/2010|
06/09/2010|
06/09/2010|
05/09/2010|
05/09/2010|
29/08/2010|
29/08/2010|
29/08/2010|
29/08/2010|
22/08/2010|
22/08/2010|
21/08/2010|
21/08/2010|
21/08/2010|
21/08/2010|
21/08/2010|
21/08/2010|
14/08/2010|
13/08/2010|
13/08/2010|
07/08/2010|
07/08/2010|
12/07/2010|
12/06/2010|
12/06/2010|
12/06/2010|
24/05/2010|
24/05/2010|
11/05/2010|
10/05/2010|
09/05/2010|
09/05/2010|
09/05/2010|
01/04/2010|
01/04/2010|
31/03/2010|
31/03/2010|
31/03/2010|
28/03/2010|
28/03/2010|
28/03/2010|
20/03/2010|
12/03/2010|
12/03/2010|
12/03/2010|
08/03/2010|
07/03/2010|
06/03/2010|
05/03/2010|
03/03/2010|
03/03/2010|
28/02/2010|
21/02/2010|
19/02/2010|
14/02/2010|
11/02/2010|
11/02/2010|
10/02/2010|
08/02/2010|
08/02/2010|
08/02/2010|
28/01/2010|
25/01/2010|
20/01/2010|
20/01/2010|
16/01/2010|
16/01/2010|
15/01/2010|
15/01/2010|
11/01/2010|
11/01/2010|
10/01/2010|
07/01/2010|
03/01/2010|
03/01/2010|
03/01/2010|
17/12/2009|
15/12/2009|
15/12/2009|
13/12/2009|
13/12/2009|
28/11/2009|
28/11/2009|
28/11/2009|
28/11/2009|
27/11/2009|
27/11/2009|
27/11/2009|
27/11/2009|
27/11/2009|
27/11/2009|
21/11/2009|
21/11/2009|
18/11/2009|
18/11/2009|
16/11/2009|
16/11/2009|
30/10/2009|
30/10/2009|
11/10/2009|
10/10/2009|
10/10/2009|
07/10/2009|
07/10/2009|
04/10/2009|
30/09/2009|
30/09/2009|
27/09/2009|
27/09/2009|
27/09/2009|
22/09/2009|
20/09/2009|
18/09/2009|
18/09/2009|
18/09/2009|
16/09/2009|
16/09/2009|
16/09/2009|
08/09/2009|
07/09/2009|
06/09/2009|
06/09/2009|
05/09/2009|
05/09/2009|
26/08/2009|
21/08/2009|
19/08/2009|
19/08/2009|
15/08/2009|
15/08/2009|
15/08/2009|
11/08/2009|
11/08/2009|
11/08/2009|
11/08/2009|
19/07/2009|
19/07/2009|
18/07/2009|
18/07/2009|
27/03/2009|
22/03/2009|
22/03/2009|
27/01/2009|
27/01/2009|
27/01/2009|
17/01/2009|
17/01/2009|
17/01/2009|
17/01/2009|
17/01/2009|
17/01/2009|
11/01/2009|
06/12/2008|
06/12/2008|
06/12/2008|
06/12/2008|
23/11/2008|
23/11/2008|
16/11/2008|
16/11/2008|
04/11/2008|
04/11/2008|
03/11/2008|
03/11/2008|
24/10/2008|
24/10/2008|
24/10/2008|
24/10/2008|
15/09/2008|
15/09/2008|
15/09/2008|
15/09/2008|
15/09/2008|
15/09/2008|
06/09/2008|
06/09/2008|
05/09/2008|
05/09/2008|
05/09/2008|
05/09/2008|
01/09/2008|
01/09/2008|
01/09/2008|
01/09/2008|
22/08/2008|
22/08/2008|
17/08/2008|
17/08/2008|
16/08/2008|
16/08/2008|
28/07/2008|
28/07/2008|
28/07/2008|
28/07/2008|
28/07/2008|
28/07/2008|
19/07/2008|
19/07/2008|
24/05/2008|
24/05/2008|
03/05/2008|
03/05/2008|
29/04/2008|
11/02/2008|
05/01/2008|
09/12/2007|
18/11/2007|
10/11/2007|
10/11/2007|
06/11/2007|
06/11/2007|
06/09/2007|
26/08/2007|
25/08/2007|
11/07/2007|
16/06/2007|
16/06/2007|
10/06/2007|
10/06/2007|
19/05/2007|
19/05/2007|
19/05/2007|
19/05/2007|
24/04/2007|
24/04/2007|
14/04/2007|
14/04/2007|
05/04/2007|
05/04/2007|
05/04/2007|
28/02/2007|
28/02/2007|
05/02/2007|
05/02/2007|
04/02/2007|
04/02/2007|
04/02/2007|
04/02/2007|
04/02/2007|
04/02/2007|
29/01/2007|
29/01/2007|
29/01/2007|
29/01/2007|
11/01/2007|
11/01/2007|
11/01/2007|
11/01/2007|
27/12/2006|
27/12/2006|
27/12/2006|
27/12/2006|
27/12/2006|
27/12/2006|
20/12/2006|
20/12/2006|
17/11/2006|
30/09/2006|
28/07/2006|
12/04/2006|
12/04/2006|
12/04/2006|
06/03/2006|
21/02/2006|
17/02/2006|
31/01/2006|
10/01/2006|
28/12/2005|
31/10/2005|
26/09/2005|
29/08/2005|
11/08/2005|
08/08/2005|
24/06/2005|
24/06/2005|
24/06/2005|
03/04/2005|
03/04/2005|
03/04/2005|
03/04/2005|

ver + notas
 
Center for the Study of the Presidency
Freedom House