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19/08/2014 | India and China - Strangers by choice

The Economist Staff

FEW subjects can matter more in the long term than how India and China, with nearly 40% of the world’s population between them, manage to get along. In the years before they fought a short border war, in 1962, relations had been rosy.

 

Many in China, for example, were deeply impressed by the peaceful and successful campaign led by Mohandas Gandhi to persuade the British to quit India. A few elderly people in China yet talk of their admiration for Rabindranath Tagore, the Bengali writer who won the Nobel prize for literature in 1913. And though Nehru, India’s first prime minister, was resented as arrogant and patronising by some Chinese leaders, the early post-war years saw friendship persist and some popular respect for him too. In China, for example, books on India were then easily available—unlike today.

The past half-century has produced mostly squabbles, resentment and periodic antagonism. India felt humiliated by its utter defeat at the hands of Mao’s army in the 1962 war. China’s long-running close ties to Pakistan look designed to antagonise India. In return India is developing ever warmer relations with the likes of Vietnam and Japan. An unsettled border in the Himalayas, periodic incursions by soldiers into territory claimed by the other side and China’s claim—for example—that India’s Arunachal Pradesh is really a part of Tibet, all suggest that happier relations will be slow in coming. Even a booming bilateral trade relationship is as much a bone of contention as a source of friendlier ties, given India’s annoyance at a yawning deficit.

One glimmer of hope, in theory, is that ordinary people of the two countries might start to understand each other better as levels of education, wealth and interest in the outside world all grow. As tourists, students and business types visit each other’s countries, perhaps they will find that they have more in common than they believed. In fact, judging by a sharp and well-crafted memoir by an Indian journalist who was posted in Beijing for four years, ignorance and bafflement are likelier to persist.

Reshma Patil was sent by the Hindustan Times, a large Indian newspaper, to Beijing in 2008, one of only four Indian print journalists in the country (by contrast Chinese media groups had 16 correspondents in India). Her account of time there, “Strangers across the border; Indian encounters in boomtown China”, is revealing for its detail and anecdote, but also for its broadly damning conclusion about the state of ties between the countries: “extreme ignorance and nationalism illustrate their mutual relations”, she says.

Most entertaining, from an Indian point of view at least, are her accounts of Chinese ignorance about India. She visits a centre in Beijing devoted to learning cricket in case it ever becomes an Olympic sport (it is called shenshi yundong, or “the noble game”), whose players have never heard of Indian stars, or of the cricket world cup, and who appear to prefer playing ping pong. During numerous forays to universities she finds students learning foreign languages who routinely dismiss India as dirty, poor and irrelevant. A wide misapprehension, she says, is a belief that India is Buddhist. Officials and journalists tell her that India suffers from an “inferiority complex”, that it is so backward (“naked...children piss on the streets”) that there can be “nothing to learn” from the country. She suggests that one Indian drink, the mango lassi, has become popular in China, but otherwise the Chinese she meets mostly have little interest in Indian products or culture. Indian traders are famously stingy. Its brands, such as those of big outsourcing firms, are poorly understood or assumed to be of low quality. Persistent racism towards dark-skinned Indians is broken in only one case, by the head of a Chinese modelling agency who says he is fond of Indians who can pull off a “Western look”.

India meanwhile makes pitifully little effort to correct Chinese misunderstandings. As well as few journalists, India had only 15 diplomats based in Beijing during Ms Patil’s time, most of them inactive. Only two had any economic expertise, and most only started learning Mandarin after their arrival in the country. A big Indian business lobby group had a single representative based in Shanghai. She estimates that only a few hundred Indian businesses, in any case, are active in China (with even fewer Chinese ones in India), and few of the Indian ventures are led by Mandarin-speakers or local hires. As an example of ignorance, she mentions a Chinese business reporter who has never heard of Infosys, a $33 billion Indian IT firm. India’s low profile in China, she argues, “prolongs the shelf-life of anti-India propaganda”. For if most Chinese are merely ignorant, many are troublingly nationalistic where their neighbour is concerned.Ms Patil dismisses annual exchanges of a few hundred students each as a hopeless affair.  Sometimes India ships a low-cost dance troupe to China. Most such exchanges of students, journalists and others end up in mutual frustration; a failure to communicate; and terrible hunger among vegetarian Indians horrified by Chinese cuisine.

A few attractive exceptions are cited. When Ms Patil meets the dissident artist, Ai Weiwei (shortly before he was spirited away to house arrest), he lauds the freedom of speech that exists in India and says he hopes India will grow strong and prosperous. He also points out that Chinese security agents like to mention the chaos (luan) of India as an example of why democracy is not worth attempting. Some Chinese businessmen, as well as reporters, who return from trips to India praise the openness and free speech there, or point to the “inner peace” and happiness that they discern among even poor Indians. Others mention the relative openness of Indian courts, the mass anti-corruption protests that would be impossible in China, and the fact that poor rural migrants are allowed to use hospitals in the cities, unlike those in China. She finds some traders, too, who realise that India is a big potential consumer market: factories, for example in Quanzhou, churn out millions of Ganesha statues—the eyes and trunk are difficult to get right, says a producer—and other Hindu figurines for sale in India; exports of trinkets and gifts for sale at Diwali in India are beginning to rival exports of similar plastic tat for Christmas in the West, she suggests.

China is still experimenting with its use of soft power. In one striking detail Ms Patil relates a visit to China Radio International’s Hindi service (the equivalent, roughly, of the BBC’s Hindi service), where she is told that the station is popular in rural India and receives over 100,000 letters from enthusiastic listeners a year, some of whom receive radios in return. She also finds ten universities in China that teach Hindi (though few students eager to learn it). India, by contrast, fails to broadcast much worth listening to beyond All India Radio's Chinese- and Tibetan-language services. Very few Indian students are learning Mandarin.

More obvious are old-fashioned hard-power relations. Analysts frequently point to the military imbalance between the countries: China’s armed forces have a budget three times larger than India’s and enjoy far superior infrastructure near the mutual border. Nationalist Chinese bloggers mock Indian aspirations to military strength as all talk and little action—“loud thunder, tiny rain”. The launch, in 2013, of India’s first home-built aircraft carrier drew some attention in China, but officials point out that China’s navy, with 150 ships, is already three times the size of India’s. Naval clashes seem a more likely risk even than those on the border: she quotes a report from India’s defence ministry suggesting that in 2012 there were 22 “contacts” with suspected Chinese attack submarines outside of Chinese waters. A new bilateral maritime dialogue, launched in 2012, deals only with low-level matters.

A mutual perception of being threatened by the other country is growing. One poll in 2013 found that 83% of Indians see China as a security threat. Large numbers of Chinese similarly think nuclear-armed India is hostile, even if it is not taken as an immediate threat. When Chinese soldiers cross the disputed border into India—a report on August 19th suggested a fresh incursion in Ladakh—reporters in Beijing are promptly instructed by officials not to mention it. Ms Patil says she grew used to calls and visits by police and security men, often instructing her not to mention sensitive matters such as border stand-offs. A fellow Indian journalist who dared to ask a Chinese politician at a press conference why official maps, digital maps on iPhones and other devices show Indian territory as part of China was told furiously to “shut up”.

Official Chinese hostility towards Indian journalists is well-documented. A constant gripe from China’s government is that India’s politicians fail to keep their media in line (in fact Indian politicians, the army and other parts of government routinely leak news to them, partly to put pressure on China). Yet freedom of the press and communication is one obvious area in which India has a great advantage over its big rival. Ms Patil reckons India has over 85,000 newspapers (it is not clear if that includes digital outlets) to just 2,000 in China. As micro-bloggers and users of social media get a louder voice in China officials there have to devise ever more elaborate means of restricting unwelcome messages; by contrast institutions in India, as in the West, are far more confident about allowing more transparency.

Where is the relationship headed? Ms Patil does not make explicit predictions, though she does suggest India could do much more to present itself in China, sending better-trained diplomats and better-prepared businessmen. She sees enormous potential benefits if, for example, suitably trained Indian graduates and cleverly devised Indian software could somehow be made to work with Chinese infrastructure and hardware. The growth of China, its huge cities and big economy has to be an opportunity for India, she suggests. In turn, the Chinese population—at an average age of 35 years old, compared to India’s 26—will grow old far sooner than India’s, which suggests a demographic advantage to India. Sheer numbers also suggest advantage tipping towards India: by 2028, says the UN, India’s population will outstrip China’s. By then, will the two countries have managed to move on from being strangers to something more like friends? Ms Patil hopes so, cautiously, but the evidence in her book suggests it will be a slow and difficult process.

The Economist (Reino Unido)

 



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16/11/2010|
16/11/2010|
16/11/2010|
09/11/2010|
07/11/2010|
31/10/2010|
31/10/2010|
31/10/2010|
26/10/2010|
25/10/2010|
22/10/2010|
18/10/2010|
16/10/2010|
16/10/2010|
11/10/2010|
10/10/2010|
10/10/2010|
09/10/2010|
05/10/2010|
28/09/2010|
28/09/2010|
24/09/2010|
24/09/2010|
22/09/2010|
22/09/2010|
15/09/2010|
15/09/2010|
15/09/2010|
12/09/2010|
12/09/2010|
12/09/2010|
12/09/2010|
06/09/2010|
06/09/2010|
05/09/2010|
05/09/2010|
29/08/2010|
29/08/2010|
29/08/2010|
29/08/2010|
22/08/2010|
22/08/2010|
21/08/2010|
21/08/2010|
21/08/2010|
21/08/2010|
21/08/2010|
21/08/2010|
14/08/2010|
13/08/2010|
13/08/2010|
07/08/2010|
07/08/2010|
12/07/2010|
12/06/2010|
12/06/2010|
12/06/2010|
24/05/2010|
24/05/2010|
11/05/2010|
10/05/2010|
09/05/2010|
09/05/2010|
09/05/2010|
01/04/2010|
01/04/2010|
31/03/2010|
31/03/2010|
31/03/2010|
28/03/2010|
28/03/2010|
28/03/2010|
20/03/2010|
12/03/2010|
12/03/2010|
12/03/2010|
08/03/2010|
07/03/2010|
06/03/2010|
05/03/2010|
03/03/2010|
03/03/2010|
28/02/2010|
21/02/2010|
19/02/2010|
14/02/2010|
11/02/2010|
11/02/2010|
10/02/2010|
08/02/2010|
08/02/2010|
08/02/2010|
28/01/2010|
25/01/2010|
20/01/2010|
20/01/2010|
16/01/2010|
16/01/2010|
15/01/2010|
15/01/2010|
11/01/2010|
11/01/2010|
10/01/2010|
07/01/2010|
03/01/2010|
03/01/2010|
03/01/2010|
17/12/2009|
15/12/2009|
15/12/2009|
13/12/2009|
13/12/2009|
28/11/2009|
28/11/2009|
28/11/2009|
28/11/2009|
27/11/2009|
27/11/2009|
27/11/2009|
27/11/2009|
27/11/2009|
27/11/2009|
21/11/2009|
21/11/2009|
18/11/2009|
18/11/2009|
16/11/2009|
16/11/2009|
30/10/2009|
30/10/2009|
11/10/2009|
10/10/2009|
10/10/2009|
07/10/2009|
07/10/2009|
04/10/2009|
30/09/2009|
30/09/2009|
27/09/2009|
27/09/2009|
27/09/2009|
22/09/2009|
20/09/2009|
18/09/2009|
18/09/2009|
18/09/2009|
16/09/2009|
16/09/2009|
16/09/2009|
08/09/2009|
07/09/2009|
06/09/2009|
06/09/2009|
05/09/2009|
05/09/2009|
26/08/2009|
21/08/2009|
19/08/2009|
19/08/2009|
15/08/2009|
15/08/2009|
15/08/2009|
11/08/2009|
11/08/2009|
11/08/2009|
11/08/2009|
19/07/2009|
19/07/2009|
18/07/2009|
18/07/2009|
27/03/2009|
22/03/2009|
22/03/2009|
27/01/2009|
27/01/2009|
27/01/2009|
17/01/2009|
17/01/2009|
17/01/2009|
17/01/2009|
17/01/2009|
17/01/2009|
11/01/2009|
06/12/2008|
06/12/2008|
06/12/2008|
06/12/2008|
23/11/2008|
23/11/2008|
16/11/2008|
16/11/2008|
04/11/2008|
04/11/2008|
03/11/2008|
03/11/2008|
24/10/2008|
24/10/2008|
24/10/2008|
24/10/2008|
15/09/2008|
15/09/2008|
15/09/2008|
15/09/2008|
15/09/2008|
15/09/2008|
06/09/2008|
06/09/2008|
05/09/2008|
05/09/2008|
05/09/2008|
05/09/2008|
01/09/2008|
01/09/2008|
01/09/2008|
01/09/2008|
22/08/2008|
22/08/2008|
17/08/2008|
17/08/2008|
16/08/2008|
16/08/2008|
28/07/2008|
28/07/2008|
28/07/2008|
28/07/2008|
28/07/2008|
28/07/2008|
19/07/2008|
19/07/2008|
24/05/2008|
24/05/2008|
03/05/2008|
03/05/2008|
29/04/2008|
11/02/2008|
05/01/2008|
09/12/2007|
18/11/2007|
10/11/2007|
10/11/2007|
06/11/2007|
06/11/2007|
06/09/2007|
26/08/2007|
25/08/2007|
11/07/2007|
16/06/2007|
16/06/2007|
10/06/2007|
10/06/2007|
19/05/2007|
19/05/2007|
19/05/2007|
19/05/2007|
24/04/2007|
24/04/2007|
14/04/2007|
14/04/2007|
05/04/2007|
05/04/2007|
05/04/2007|
28/02/2007|
28/02/2007|
05/02/2007|
05/02/2007|
04/02/2007|
04/02/2007|
04/02/2007|
04/02/2007|
04/02/2007|
04/02/2007|
29/01/2007|
29/01/2007|
29/01/2007|
29/01/2007|
11/01/2007|
11/01/2007|
11/01/2007|
11/01/2007|
27/12/2006|
27/12/2006|
27/12/2006|
27/12/2006|
27/12/2006|
27/12/2006|
20/12/2006|
20/12/2006|
17/11/2006|
30/09/2006|
28/07/2006|
12/04/2006|
12/04/2006|
12/04/2006|
06/03/2006|
21/02/2006|
17/02/2006|
31/01/2006|
10/01/2006|
28/12/2005|
31/10/2005|
26/09/2005|
29/08/2005|
11/08/2005|
08/08/2005|
24/06/2005|
24/06/2005|
24/06/2005|
03/04/2005|
03/04/2005|
03/04/2005|
03/04/2005|

ver + notas
 
Center for the Study of the Presidency
Freedom House